Nase Novine, July 02, 1981

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ffiJJ&iJmii MAY 6, 1981 .f
ClanakameriCkog
Casopisa 0 JUGO- -
SLOVENSKOM
DRUSTVENOM sistemu
Efikasno funkcionisanje jugo-slovensk- og
sistema je najznadaj-nij- a
karakteristika Jugoslavije
posle Tita.
Ovo istide ameridki dasopis savre-men- u
istoriju "Current History" u
opSirnom dlanku o jugosloven-sko- m
druStvenom sistemu. Autor
istide impresivnu stopu ekonom-sko- g
rasta Jugoslavije kao i dinje-nic- u
da su proizvodi jugoslovenske
industrije sve konkurentniji na
svetskom triiStu.
Osvr6u6i se na spoljnu politiku
Jugoslavije "Current History" na-glaSa- va
d,a je jugoslovensko ruko-vodst- vo
uvek odrzavalo konstruk-tivn- e
i uravnotetene odnose i sa
SAD i sa SSSR.
Razmatraju6i aktivnost Jugoslavije
u pokretu nesvrstanosti, ameridki
dasopis ocenjuje da Jugoslavija
ima veliki ugled medu nesvrstani-ma- .
Jugoslavija - Kuba
HAVANA (Tanjug) — Ov-d- je
je potpisan sporazum o
suradnji Savez knjizevnika
Jugoslavije i Udruzenja um-jetni- ka
i pisaca Kube. Tako-de- r
je potpisan protokol o
konkretnoj suradnji i oblici-m- a
suradnje u ovoj godini.
The path taken by Yugoslavia in
recent decades has not been the
only possible path. There were
many crossroads and trials in the
course of this dramatic period of
history.
Tito was at the head of the
Communist Party of Yugoslavia
(now the League of Communists of
Yugoslavia) for 43 years; he was
active in the revolutionary
movement of Yugoslavia for seven
decades; he was at the head of
Socialist Yugoslavia for 35 years.
He was at the head of the original
revolution when the fate of not only
Yugoslavia but also that of the
world was decided upon: the
second world war, the anti-coloni- al
revolution, liberation wars, the
emergence of a large number of
new socialist countries, the cold
war and bloc alignment, the birth
of the movement of nonalignment,
the emergence of conflicts and
even armed clashes amongst
socialist countries.
THE EMANCIPATION OF
THE MOVEMENT
Tito became the General Secretary
of the Communist Party of Yugo-slavia
in 1937, when the Party was
underground. He solved the
problem of revolutionary inter-nationalism,
which in the jargon
and practice od the Cominform
(Stalin) meant submission to the
centre, with a seemingly practical
but, in fact, far-sight- ed decision.
He put two demands to the new
leadership: that the entire leader-ship
remain in the country and that
the Party be self-financin- g. Today,
such decisions may appear to
have been the only ones possible.
At that time, however, with such
decisions Tito discreetly com-menced
the process of the
emancipation of the Communist
Party of Yugoslavia, which assured
it the trust of the working masses
and the progressive forces of the
peoples of Yugoslavia.
— Predsjednik PredsjedniStva
SFRJ Cvijetin Mijatovic susreo se u
Lusaki s predsjednikom Republike
Zambije drom Kenetom Kaundom. U
vrlo toploj i prijateljskoj atmosferi
dvojica predsjednika vodili su kraci
razgovor prozet zeljom da se prodube
tradicionalno prijateljski odnosi
izmedu na§ih dviju zemalja, da se
svestrano unaprijedi jugoslavensko--zambijsk- a
suradnja u svim oblastima
i da se, na osnovama politike
nesvrstanosti, razmotre krupni pro-ble- mi
koji opterecuju suvremeni
svijet.
PoCetak sluzbenih jugoslavensko--zambijski- h
razgovora, na prijedlog
doktora Keneta Kanude, obiljezen je
minutom Sutnje u znak uspomene na
predsjednika Tita koga su — kako je
izjavio zambijski Predsjednik — svi
voljeli i poStovali, i danas ga svi vole i
poStuju, jer fiovjek kakav je bio Tito
ne umire. Biranim rije6ima Kaunda je
i ovom prilikom podsjetio da je
preminuli Predsjednik Jugoslavije
svojim trajnim i velikim drzavnifikim
djelom zaduzio 6itavo 6ovje6anstvo.
Predsjedniku PredsjedniStva SFRJ
Cvijetinu Mijatovi6u, koji je toplo
zahvalio na podasti odanoj Titu,
Kaunda je joS jednom pozelio toplu
dobrodoSlicu rekavSi da u Zambiji
ima drugi nesvrstani dom.
TITO AT THE CROSSROADS
OF HISTORY
ByMilojkoDRULOVlC
At that time, Tito did not wish for a
crisis in relations between the
Comintern (Stalin) and the Com-munist
Party of Yugoslavia. He
was, however, unhesitating in the
stand thta it was first and foremost
essential for the Party to be firmly
anchored in the country and that
the Comintern should not interfere
in the policy and internal affairs of
the Communist Party of Yugoslavia
nor in its cadre problems.
THE STAND ON THE
NATIONAL QUESTION
The national question was of
essence for Yugoslavia on account
of the country's multi-nation- al
character and the inequality suf-fered
by the nations and nationali-ties
in Yugoslavia before the war.
As early as 1934 Tito wrote "The
national struggle and suppression
will now certainly take on sharper
forms... We must stand at the head
of the people's liberation mo
vement in the country."
In 1936, Tito wrote that all nations'
right to self-determinati- on must be
honoured "that is to say not only
the rights of Serbs, Croats, Slove-nians,
but also of Macedonians,
Montenegrins and the right of the
peoples in Vojvodina, Bosnia and
Herzegivna to decide whether to
preserve their regional independen-denc- e
in a federal state... The
rights of the national minorities —
Germans, Hungarians and Alba-nians
— to equality must also be
stressed..."
In the second world war Tito was
at the head of the struggle in which
the peoples of Yugoslavia found
their path of true unification at a
time when it appeared to have been
rendered impossible for all times.
It was in 1942, at the height of the
war, that Tito wrote "The People's
Liberation Struggle would be an
empty phrase, even a fraud, if it
had not meant national liberation".
Therefore, "Each nation must
struggle for its own freedom".
даЕашиашмВјјтмКДмНдцјдаагнЕадЕд
SARAJEVO — U sarajevskoj Skenderiji u nedjelju navecer odrzan je Festival par-tizans- kih pjesama i igara pod nazivom Lijepo ti je druga Tita kolo (na slici). Na festivalu
je sudjelovalo vise tisuca clanova kulturno-umjetnick- ih drustava iz cljele zemlje, koji su
izveli spletove partizanskih igara i pjesama svih nasih naroda i narodnosti.
In the course of the four decades
of post-wa- r construction, three
details have marked the determina-tion
of the Yugoslav revolutionary
movement to establish the true
equality of nations and nationaliti-es,
without hypocrisy, excuse or
manipulation.
The first, after the creation of the
federal system, was the inroducti-o-n
of self-manageme- nt, the idea
which bore the germ of direct
democracy. The second was the
constitutional guarantee for the
economic equality of peoples,
without which there can be no full
national equality. This was
especially firmly formulated in the
Constitution of 1974. The third was
Tito's decisive handling of the
nationalism which had emerged in
the seventies enmeshing even LCY
members and, dangerously
jeopardising the unity and stability
of the country.
DEFEATISM OR THE
BATTLE AGAINST FASCISM
In 1937, the Comintern, in the
name of the international workers'
and communist movement, took
up the correct stand on the need
for preparations to be undertaken
for resistance to fascism. The idea
was born of the creation of a
National Front as the form for the
gathering of all anti-fasci- st forces
for resistance. Two years later, the
pact between Stalin and Hitler (of
August 23, 1939), placed the
Communist Party before extremely
difficult trials.
The Communist Party of Yugo-slavia
did not, however, become
disorientated on account of the
Hitler-Stali- n pact. Tito's stand was
completely unambiguous: there
could be no defeatism or hesita-tion,
but the defence of national
independence in the case of attack
on the country.
Had the Communist Party
hesitated, it is difficult to believe
that it would have gained the trust
of the masses in the liberation
struggle, which was the foundation
for victory in the war and revolu-tion.
At the time when all seemed lost
to the faint-hearte- d and short-sighted,
Tito and the Communist-Part- y
of Yugoslavia decided to
YUGOSLAVIA AFTER
TITO?
OVAJ CLANAK NASEG PRIJATELJA I PRETPLAT- -
KOJI JE RODEN U AMERICI, OBJAVLJUJEMO
U ORIGINALU, JER GA NISU HTELI OBJAVITI NEKI
AMERICKI LISTOVI.
By MARK HALLER
We were having a late lunch in an
upstairs open-ai- r restaurant. The
sun was shining, a most welcome
relief from over a month of almost
constant rain. My wife, Frankie,
called my attention to a group of
about 50 young (and not so young)
who were marching and carrying
placards with slogans extolling
Marshall Tito's virtues, and
pledging support to and con-tinuation
of Tito's policies, which
were by now Jamiliar to us.
We asked a fellow diner about the
marchers and were told that they
were commemorating Marshall
Tito's birthday. That was it! May
25th was Tito's 88th birthday and
National Youth Day, and we were
in Jajce, Yugoslavia, the city where
launch an armed uprising, and not
a political struggle in possible
combination with diversion and
sabotage.
What form was the armed uprising
to take: rebellion in the towns,
demonstrations, strikes or partisan
warfare?
Partisan warfare was in many ways
a new form of people's liberation
and revolutionary war — it used a
combined form of armed struggle
which exhausted the occupying
forces to the gratest possible
extent and made possible a per-manent
increase in the number of
fighting men and women.
In this struggle perished two
thirds of the Communist Party and
Communist Youth Organisation
membership, while Yugoslavia lost
10.0 percent of its population. This
is the price it paid for its right to
existence and independence.
Tito stood at the head of such a
massive and successful people's
liberation movement that, even had
he done no more for his country
and for world peace, he would have
assured himself a place of honour
in history.
(Telefoto TAMUG)
NIKA,
the foundation of the new Yugo-slavia
was laid during the War of
National Liberation (World War II).
It was in Jajce, a small picturesque
Bosnian town in liberated territory,
that the second meeting of the
Anti-fasci- st Council of National
Liberation (AVNOJ) was held on
November 29-3- 0, 1943. It was at
this session that decisions were
made to constitute the Anti-fasci- st
Council of National Liberation as
the Supreme Legislative and Ex-ecutive
body, to elect Josip Broz
Tito Marshall and Commander-in--Chie- f
of all the Partisans fighting
the Nazi and fascist occupiers, and
to crate a National Committee of
seventeen members consisting of
six Serbs, five Croats, four Slo-venes,
one Bosnian, and one
Montenegrin.
My wife, having missed an
opportunity to take a photograph
of the group since the camera had
been left in the car, suggested that
we get the camera and join the
marchers which we did, thinking it
would only be (or a few blocks. It
became a walk, lasting for over an
hour, to a stadium outside the
town, and it soon became clear to
us that instead of being curious
tourists, we were part of a se-emingly
never-endin-g stream of
people; young, old, from all walks
of life, and in good and not-so--go- od
physical condition.
Upon questioning participant, I
learned the event we were about to
witness was one of a series to be
held that day throughout the
country. This was news to us as we
had been in parts of Yugoslavia
where the Cyrilic alphabet was
used and being unable to read
Cyrilic, we were unaware of events
in other parts of the world for more
than a week. Having arrived at the
end of the procession, we found
the stadium full, and joined the
overflow crowd on a nearby hill.
We arrived at 3:00 pm. The program
(Nastavak na st. 7)
L TV